The same author, commented on the recent political situation
in Serbia itself in one of his regular contributions to the Belgrade by-weekly
Republika , the issue of September 1-15, 1996.
The name of the
Prussian general Carl Calusewitz is most often tied to the definition of
the war as the continuation of politics with military means. The domestic
political strategists have turend tihs definition around with the comprehenshion
of the peace as the continuation of the war with political means !
With
maneouvering, dragging of things along, by threachery and blackmail, they
are attempting to achieve now what they were not able to do through the
use of arms. Burdened with the hopes that everything can be gained through
war, the irrational national generals have completely forgotten everything
that can be lost throuugh war.
The fiction nsamed Greater Serbia still lives,
but now relies on the hope that, in the end, the division of ethnically
cleansed parts of Bosnia and Herzegovina between Serbian and similarly ambitious
planners of Greater Croatia, arranged by an agreement between Tudjman and
Milosevic at the beginnig of the war will succeed. If Serbia wishes to cede
the Serbian entity in Bosnia, it has to take upon itself the open tutorship
that it has to remain clean , because only like that it can remain
Serbian, in the same manner that Herzg-bosnia can remain Croatian. If Serbia
accepts as its own the thesis that Serbs in Bosnia cannot live together
with Muslims and Croats - it cannot count on harmonious llife with non-Serbs
in Kosovo, Sandzak, Vojvodina...
The defence of the principle of poly-culture
is, in that manner, a fatefiul question of Serbia as a society and a state.
The gain of Serbian Bosnia means definitive loss
of Kosovo, unrest in Sandzak and conflicts in Vojvodina and any other inevitable
torture of a centralized, authoritarian Serb national state, isolated and
in conflict with its neighbrs and the world on a long term basis. The project
of Greater Serebia, then, gambles with the integrity and wholeness of the
existing Serbian state. The numerous causes of our misery can be pointed
to thesole main one: The chauvinistic ideas of Greater Serbia and Greater
Croatia, on which authoritarian regimes were born, grew and strengthened,
are not yet defeated here. The war of Serbia and Croatia for the territories
of Bosnia and Herzegovina was at the same time rival and a cooperative one.
That is why Serbia and Croatia, as the most active destructors of foremr
Yugoslavia fear the survival of multi-ethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina, because
if it survives, thenYugoslavia should not have vanished. The influence of
Milosevic and Tudjman is not giving resiults which the Dayton mentors expect
not only their influence on their pupils in Bosnia and Herzegovina is vaning,
but because they do not want to give up on their projects of enlarged states.
Source: Belgrade by-weekly Republika , September 1-15, 1996
Chief commentator of the Belgrade weekly Vreme , Stojan Cerovic,
looks at the recent developments on the Serbian political scene in the September
28, and October 12, 1996 issue of the Belgrade weekly . It is now clear
that the most morbid predictions about the great war in Europe have been
wrong or at least very premature These days everyone is waiting for the
moment when the UN Council of Security shall lift the already suspended
educational measures against Serbia and Montenegro.
By general belief, amongst
the world bullies, Milosevic is one of the most peace-loving, shows certain
progress in understanding international norms, even a will to respect them
or at least to hinder himself, especially since he came upon a greater power
and war defeats. Those who shall decide whether to lift the sanctions mostly
believe that they have made their impact. Even if the government in Belgrade
hasn't changed its disposition, it has at least weakened.
However, certain
differences exist in the evaluation of Milosevic's future behavior, as well
as in the internal interests and inter-relations of the great and medium
world powers. America and a few others would like to stall the actual lifting
of the sanctions and would definitely leave the outer wall.
Russia and a
few others are asking that all and immediately be lifted. The first believe
that certain risks still exist, which require strengthened supervision,
while others claim that all is well, that justice has been satisfied and
that the very continuance of the sanctions carries in itself a risk that
this country could irreclaimably become a rebel and alienated one, like
Libya and Iraq.
Even though I have accepted the fact that my voice is not
the deciding one in the Council of Security, I admit that this time it wouldn't
even be important, since I am not capable of assessing what could be the
greatest risk for the global and local peace and order.
Neither the partial
suspension nor the urgent lifting of all sanctions cannot change the disposition
of this government, and in any case Milosevic cannot go back to his policy
of wild aggression. He has already gone too far, transgressing the boundaries
of all laws, of all reason, where he was followed exclusively by criminals
and madmen.
Even now he does not wish to disappoint those most loyal followers,
yet he also knows that in front of the world he must look like an average
statesman and is diligently working on that role. I wouldn't swear that
he is the only to blame that the relations of Serbia with the world have
been inversely set, yet it is evident that Milosevic had great support here
while he was scaring and horrifying everybody from outside, and when he
wishes to be accepted by that outside world, he doesn't expect support from
Serbia, and tries to find ways to lightly threaten it.
Judging by all facts,
he is exclusively interested in foreign and internal affairs, diplomacy
and the police, in =which he functions like Doctor Jekyll and Mister Hide.
I wouldn't be surprised if we were to find out one day that he personally
had invented some of the most imaginative police intrigues created in order
to confuse and crush the opposition.
As far as international (Western) acceptance
goes, even the former Yugoslavia had loads of problems up to the moment
when Tito entered into a conflict with Stalin, and besides that, that country
had a generation of excellent diplomats at the time. The task of real normalization
much more difficult now even though many worried ambassadors have already
arrived in Belgrade. Milosevic had to enter into a conflict exclusively
with himself, and besides that, he is the only diplomat in this country.
As is well known, the sanctions were imposed because of the war in Bosnia,
and in order to be totally lifted, conditions have been subsequently set:
elections in Bosnia, cooperation with The Hague Tribunal and good news from
Kosovo.
Milosevic met all conditions, that is none, depending on the degree
of illusion a person can bear and accept instead of reality. He promised
that in the Serbian Republic the Serbian Democratic Party (SDS) shall lose
its power to the forces of peace and progress,'' but democratic countries
cannot, despite all, formally say that he is to blame that the results of
the elections turned out differently. He opened up the office of The Hague
Tribunal in Belgrade, and he signed an agreement with Rugova, but he sent
the same number of indicted persons to The Hague as the number of Albanian
children who have really started going to schools in Kosovo.
Still, the
sanctions shall be lifted, and maybe even certain holes shall appear on
their outer wall in the near future.
In this case Milosevic can rely on
the well-known school tactics by which even a bad pupil somehow manages
to get by at the end, if he shows that he has applied himself. He's not
doing too well but he's trying. Which is how he expects the world school
faculty to somewhat lower its demands, which is quite possible and which
has, in a way, already happened. I don't know what our local war veterans
against the New World Order think, but I feel that they need not be absolutely
desperate.
In that unequal battle Serbia did lose, and has yet to lose,
yet even the global order has become somewhat diluted and has made way even
for a staggering member of the international community. The most persistent
of the veterans shall probably say that an authentic and healthy Serbia
has no reason to mix with such a community. However, even the international
community isn't authentic and healthy if there is place in it for such a
Serbia.
Whenever something which is irregular cannot be prevented or punished,
it threatens to become regular. There is no doubt, for example, that the
war and the collapse of the former Yugoslavia have somewhat influenced the
climate in the neighboring countries and Europe. If there wasn't such a
precedent, it is very probable that the crazy separatists from western Italy
wouldn't be so courageous and ambitious.
But, it is now clear that the most
morbid predictions about the great war in Europe have been wrong or at least
very premature. Neither separatism, nor nationalism, nor expansionism, nor
the prospect of violence have seriously interested Europe. Looking back,
it could be said that Belgrade, during the war for the all-Serb state, really
did try to launch an alternative way of behavior, believing that everyone
everywhere shall start calling upon the rule of the stronger and that great
chaos will erupt easily.
However, it so happened that the right of the stronger
has turned against the Serbian side, and only a few funny details remain
of the alternative, like when Ljubisa Ristic, such as he is, participates
in the negotiations with London bank officials who don't take their ties
off even in bed. There is no getting around it. It is time to admit that
the thing has fallen through and that London bank officials shall not grow
a mustache and wear boots and leather jackets, but that rather Ljubisa Ristic
shall return to the theater.
Slowly, everyone shall have to adapt to being
what he or she is and to move amongst their own circles. Clowns in circuses,
rangers in forests, bank clerks in banks, thieves in prisons, politicians
in politics, whores in whore houses, cattle in barns, corpses in cemeteries.
Judging by who is located where at this moment, even I realize that this
seems like a far away and unrealizable dream, but there is nothing left
for us than to patiently push things back into place. While things could
have been accomplished differently, more easily and at random, people behaved
in such a way, so that many skipped over certain things and found themselves
where they shouldn't be.
Many things are demolished, wrecked and ruined;
many people have been cheated, their things have been stolen, they were
banished.
That leads us nowhere except into immigration. If there is no
internal strength and will, this country will not be helped by the lifting
of the sanctions and re-emergence into the world institutions. Representatives
will be appointed there but they won't have anything to represent. Understandably,
much depends on the government, but those who have been waiting for something
until now and hoping, know best how happily they have married. Salvation
does not lie with the elections, even if a miracle were to occur. More precisely
such a miracle shall happen when we shall care for it least.
And even another
government shall look like this one less, if we change ourselves first.
I have a feeling that a healthy political indifference has already caught
hold of Serbia, which is making impatient activists desperate. But it is
only a sign that the people have learned something from experience. Those
who wish to motivate them once again should be superior, more honest and
more intelligent.
Source: Belgrade weekly Vreme , September 28, 1996
As long as we are subjected to such total propaganda, making up good
and hiding bad news, scandal-mongering the opposition and endless promotions
of the ruling coalition, no one has the right to say anything about the
will of the nation It so happens that these local elections shall correspond
with the American ones. Many comparisons are possible, yet almost all are
inappropriate due to various reasons.
Still, since it so happens, it doesn't
hurt to take a look at some of Clinton's and Dole's TV duels, of which the
first was broadcasted on Studio B in its entirety.
Special attention should
have been given to the third, and for us the most interesting person, who
sat and posed questions. His name is Jim Lehrer who has, together with Robert
McNeil, been co-anchor of the best newscast in America for years.
Both of
them look like paragons of respectability, serious-mindedness and responsibility,
as is their news program which is broadcasted on the non-commercial PBS
station. They aim to carefully handle each topic from various viewpoints
and pose all important questions while treating all collocutors with due
respect. Their righteousness cannot be brought to question, and whichever
one was chosen to lead the debate of the presidential candidates would have
considered it unthinkable to show the least sign of preference. Reactions
in the media and in public opinion would have most certainly been such as
to make the candidate whom the anchorman had tried to favour lose the race.
Let us return home now and look at how matters stand with regards to the
election, surmising that the sense for justice is not a Western invention
which is alien to the Serbian being.
Someone shall immediately state that
this surmise does not stand. Namely, we have here a rather widely held belief
which deals exclusively with the factor of Nation, and is not necessarily
inclined towards the regime. That belief does not actually attach importance
to the regime, nor to the regulation of the state, nor to propaganda, nor
to the media, nor to the police, nor to the military, nor to the distribution
of power and wealth, but solely to the characteristics of a nation.
Whatever
has happened and is happening, in war or peace, with elections or without
them, is interpreted from this fatalistic stand as an expression of the
clear will of the nation. Among the bearers of this belief we come upon
those who praise and those who scold, those who are proud and those who
are disconsolate because the nation is such as they describe it.
They can
be in perfect disagreement about everything except in the belief that all
arises from the being of the nation by which, whether it is their intention
to or not, they are actually recognizing the real legitimacy of this (or
any other) regime and all that it does. It could be said that such a belief,
at least, has very little respect for newer inventions such as television,
radio, press, even the actual organized state.
It is most likely believed
that it looks just like the nation wanted it to and deserved. If they are
lied to, it is due to the fact that the nation wishes to hear such things,
or because it in itself fails to recognize the diff out that the nation
here is absolutely sovereign, that it decides about itself more than in
the most democratic countries, and it is unusual that such a belief is so
strong in this country which, by the level of manipulation and rare inquiries
into the national will, must be at the very top in Europe.
All of this is
only an introduction to the story about the forthcoming elections. Namely,
I believe that the issue of justice and equality here is not just a condition
for worthy elections, but also the most important electoral subject. Besides
that, this problem can be reduced exclusively to television.
As long as
we are subjected to such total propaganda, making up good and hiding bad
news, scandal-mongering the opposition and endless promotions of the ruling
coalition, no one has the right to say anything about the will of the nation.
The only thing that can be confessed is that we know nothing of it and shall
not find out more even after the elections. The opposition most certainly
must speak of its intentions and programs, yet it should bear in mind that
their words are blowing in the wind, that is the problem of television precedes
everything and abolishes all other issues. Outside of television there simply
do not exist any opposition programs, just as no weaknesses of the regime
exist. The true opponent to changes is, therefore, the dictatorship of television
lies. If the opposition discovers how it can fight against such a thing,
if it finds a way to beat such an opponent, it will indebt more than just
this country.
It would be a good thing to immediately protect that patent
and sell it to the similarly afflicted. Whomever had from the former multi-party
and election experience in Serbia gathered sufficient reasons for a decisive
indifference regarding the forthcoming elections, would really have to change
his mind. Not only because the opposition has somehow managed to get together,
nor only due to confidence in professor Avramovic, but primarily because
of the injustice. It can appear that the opposition really has no chance,
or that it would not be any better than the present government, yet everyone
has an obligation towards justice. The television injustice would have to
be the first reason to vote for the opposition.
However, not only the elections
are the issue here.
A society which does not nurture its sense of justice,
fair play and equal chances, is not only incapable of becoming democratic,
but also cannot come to terms with any of the major social, economic or
political problems. As we can see, such a society unavoidably produces violence
which, if it cannot be aimed at someone from outside, turns upon itself.
That the socialists have entered into a coalition with JUL is a normal and
expected thing, that is bizarre and utterly exceptional in the history of
political-marital relations.
In the far-away past there were occurrences
when countries merged following their rulers marriage. However, in Serbia,
the ruling marriage had firstly been seemingly divorced on a party basis,
and now again, actually or seemingly, been entered into again and that in
a triangle with New Democracy.
Let people think what they will of those
relations and let Mrs. Markovic become, let's say, prime minister of the
government of the FR Yugoslavia, and let the drama play itself out to the
very end so that we can see what will become of this miraculous marriage
and state.
For our topic the important thing is that this coalition is deemed
as a leftist one and persistently, especially from JUL, insists upon an
ideological confrontation with the opposition.
Besides that, JUL is the
of justice and equality. This party of flowers, fragrances, joy and youth
obviously does not think that justice is on an equal footing with authority,
or at least that it should serve its authorities. They are not in the least
hit by the inequality of the opposition, since election equality most probably
falls under the category of what has for decades been termed as formalistic
democracy.
Calling upon the fact that justice has always served to hinder
the government and that it does not exist for the stronger but rather for
the weaker, would be deemed as old-fashioned and outdated by these just
people, at least while they are in power. The unjustness of the election
conditions, that is of the television campaign of lies springs, therefore,
from the very core of the regime. It didn't start on account of the elections,
nor is it to be concluded with them and that fact is more important than
the very elections.
Many people here shall most certainly vote for the ruling
coalition and will fail to notice any injustice, yet I believe that it shouldn't
beconcluded in a hurry that the lack of feeling for justice is part of thenational
character. On the contrary, it is something which has been worked on persistently
and for a very long time. This state and government have naturally appeared
as a continuation of the other in which different opinions were not tolerated.
In that sense half-way concessions have been made, so that now differences
are tolerated yet not opinions as well. The television lie aims to frustrate
and disable not only a discrimination of justice, and the importance and
value of justice, but also to make it impossible to form any logical conclusions.
We need only remember the infuriatingly contradictory and confusing theories
and explanations of war, peace, sanctions, relations with the world and
who is what there and how and why someone had done what. Of those who had
despite everything managed to preserve their capability to reason, some
have fled across the borders, while others shall vote for the opposition.
How many of those are left is a thing that shall be seen at the elections.
In any case, I would say that this time it is not a choice between the left
and the right, nor between war and peace, nor for or against Europe, but
primarily for and against logic.
Source: Belgrade weekly Vreme ,
October 12, 1996
ARMY DEALS, SECRET SERVICES
Kresimir Meler of the Sarajevo
weekly SVIJET , writes in the October 17, isse of the weekly
about the operation of the strangebussiness of the company of the Croatian
military RH Alan.
A lot has already been said about the iAgency for Commercial
Activityi (AKD) of the Croatian Ministry of Interior. But, this is not the
only company formed by the Croatian government or one of its ministries.
Something similar, although, as it is known, somewhat less suspicious representatives
and associates exists within the Croatian ministry of defence. The company
in question is iRH Alani, whose name could only be noticed by very passionate
readers of ads in the iCroatian Soldieri.
Until less than a half a year
ago, the name of that company was not mentioned in any official report,
or the state budget. And then, in the official iNational Paperi(Narodne
Novine) it was published that Djurdja [u{ak, employed in the Croatian Intelligence
Service (SIS) is named in the Executive board of iRH Alani. For those less
informed, the named lady is better known as the wife of Gojko [u{ak, Croatian
minister of defence.
The whole story begins on January 18, 1993, when the
iAgency for Logistics and Procurementi has been formed. At that time, when
more than a third of Croatia was under occupation, and the embargo on the
import of arms and military equipement in full swing, such a move was logical.In
cooperation with AKD large quantitites of arms were acquired, including
some for Bosnia and Herzegovina. How much did both companies mean to the
Croatian authorities is shown by the fact that Franjo Greguri}, man of special
trust with president Tu|man was in the executive boards of both companies.
That iRH Alani has been formed so that some things would remain in the (HDZ)
family circle is seen in the fact that at that time, and even before it,
there existed companies in Croatia that were registered for the same activities.
Moreover, they have already been importing arms an military equipement.
through different intermediaries. The founding sum for this company was
provided by the Croatian government, and the regular operation of the company
was to be funded from its profits, so it was presumed that it will be profitable,
and among other things, it was to charge services from domestic and foreign
customers, including, what is particularly interesting, the Croatian ministry
of defence.
Accortding to this, the company owned by the government, meaning
the government itself, would charge its own ministry for services.Nobody
bothered to clear up what services could the governemnt provide to itself.
That is not recommendable anyway, when it is known that the Chairman of
the Executive Board is Gojko [u{ak, the minister of defence himself, while
the director of iRH Alani is general Vladimir Zagorec. But, you are mistaken
if you thought that he is the person with experience in military industry.
He has great experience in trading though. As far as 1990, he was a co-owner
of the iZatrai at that time a very rare private company which was allowed
to trade in arms and ammunition. Such a situation has lead to bad moves
in arms procurement.
For example, a yaer ago iRH Alani signed a contract
on production of assault rifles with the iArmai company, whose owner was
a close relative of a very respected and influential HDZ member in Slovenia
and wider. Already in the beginning the expers have been stating that these
rifles are neither of quality or are they functional. One of these, Branko
Borkovi}, former head of the Infantry department in the Croatian Army was
fired for such an opinion. A lot of money and time was invested in this
project before it was realised even in the highest place that this was a
blunder and the production of assault rifles cancelled. This mistake didnit
cost anybody responsible anything. That is not the only reckless act in
this company.
From the same producer, iRH Alani ordered no more or no less
that 30,000 guns ieroi, actually a copy of the Izrael iuzii. The Croatian
army, for whom the guns were ordered, needed only 5,000 ierois. But the
biggest misses are yet to come. The company iArmai invested a few million
DEM in the production of long range artillery guns, for which purposes one
of the units of the Zagreb factory iKon~ari were rented.
The problem cropped
up when the gun barrels were to be ordered, since they can be acquired on
the free East European market for very favorable prices. But, when the deal
with the foreign partner was already agreed, iArmai got the decision that
the barrels can be imported only through iRH Alani. iRH Alani sold the barrels,
as our source says, for three times higher prices.
Even larger profit came
iRH Alaniis way when dynamite parts were emported and sold, for which it
is the only licenced importer in Croatia. The purchase price for this on
the European market is 3 DEM per kilogram, while iRH Alani sold the same
to military producers for 30 DEM per kilogram. All this is nothing compared
ot the purchase of long range artillery shells (203mm) during the preparations
for the operations iLightningi and iStormi.
The experts from this company
ordered Russian ammunition for American guns, which could not be aligned.
The exepnses vere covered in full by the Ministry of Finance, meaning taxpayers,
while iRH alani orderly cashed its provision and profit. As if this was
not enough, the company-favorite of the Goverment and Ministry of Defence
(MORH) received from the Croatian government in the first six months of
this year for unknown purposes a head spinning amount of 54 million DEM.
Due to all this, it is highly improbable that iRH Alani has been founded
for the purposes written in its founding statute.
Another possibility is
more probable, which is supported by our sources.According to them, the
company is actually a front for some activities of the Croatian authorities
and ministry of defence. Practically, money laundering is in question. Among
other, HVO was financed with the money earned by iRH Alani, as well as the
construction of roads and villas in the Posu{je area. What was also financed
is the purchase of arms and ammunition for HVO.
The exepnses of the company
grew when it became necessary to pay the defence of Tihofil Bla{ki}, whose
trial for war crimes is being prepared in the Hague. As it would not be
popular that the defence of a potential war criminal is financed by the
Croatian government, the funds for the defence were transferred to iRH alani,
from whose accounts the lawyers in the US are being paid.
There are indications
that still today the payments are going from its accounts for the financing
of the activities of Croatian para-state organizations and parties in Bosnia
and Herzegovina, but in other countries too. These activities are possible,
even more so, since the operation of iRH Alani, as well as AKD is not under
the control of the Parliament, but the insight into their operation is had
by only a small group of people.
Source: Sarajevo weekly Svijet .October17
Roksanda Nincic of the Belgrade weekly Vreme , examines in the
Octobe 31, 1996, issue of that magazine the possible changes in the security
service of FRY.
The UDBA is being revoked? The Office for the Protection
of the Constitutional Order is to be created? And will this contribute to
the suppression of crime? All this has been announced last week, first during
the talks with the Turkish Parliamentary delegation and later in the local
media, by Radmilo Bogdanovic, member of the Main Board of SPS, acting president
of the Chamber of Republics in the Federal Assembly and the chief of the
Council for Defence and Security.
Interesting is the way in which Bogdanovic
has announced, for the first half of 1997, the enactment of the criminal
law, the law on criminal procedure and the law on the above mentioned Office
for the Protection of the Constitutional Order. What has he been talking
about exactly? First of all, there is no question of any new legislative
activity. According to the Constitutional Act for the Enforcement of the
Constitution of SRY, enacted in 1992 (simultaneously with the Constitution),
all federal laws were to be brought into accord with the Constitution of
SRY until December 31, 1994, and even 37 laws were to be enacted until the
end of 1992.
The fact that approximately one fourth of all laws have not
really been harmonized with the Constitution until today is on regular basis
quoted as a proof to the thesis of the provisory and semi-legal status of
SRY. The workings on the uniform criminal law have been going on for over
a year now, although there is a political agreement of the two federal entities
on this issue. Currently, the Federal Government has been working on the
general provisions of the new penal law (KZ), and although the deadline
was set for the end of 1996, it would obviously not be finished even then.
To the experts on legal matters that we have consulted it was not completely
clear why did Radmilo Bogdanovic pack the three laws together when they
are not necessarily interrelated. That Bogdanovic himself has confused the
matters confirms the fact that he positions the state security (i.e., the
protection of the constitutional order, which is the same issue but named
differently) in the context of the supression of crime. Namely, the public
security institution is in charge of the suppression of crime, not the state
security institution.
On the other the constitutional order has been considerably
imperiled. The following is relatively clear: the future law on the Office
for the Protection of the Constitutional Order will regulate the authorizations
of the Office and its relations with other intelligence and counter intelligence
offices in the country, but not the acts of exposing to danger the constitutional
order because it is in the domain of the penal law which quotes some twenty
acts from the area of political crime.
All in all, the draft of the law
exists somewhere, but not one of our sources had a chance to see it. This
type of regulation is not written in the Ministry of Justice, but in some
of the offices of the Federal Ministry of Internal Affairs, and is not subject
to the public hearing. Along with all this, the professionals from the State
Security Police who have followed Bogdanovic's mentioning of UDBA with a
certain smile, believe that Bogdanovic should know that the office of such
a name existed in Yugoslavia from 1945 to 1966, only to be revoked after
the Plenum on Brioni.
From 1966 to 1992 the job of protecting the state
was under the authority of the Office for the State Security as a part of
the Federal Ministry, i.e, the Secretariat for Internal Affairs. In the
war year of 1992 the famous assault of the Serbian police into the building
of Federal Police in Kneza Milosa Street in Belgrade occurred, and after
that nothing was the same as before. The Administration of the Public Security
of the Serbian Ministry of Internal Affairs (SMUP, which still existed on
paper) had occasional correspondence with the Interpol from which the Yugoslav
Police had been expelled after the sanctions were imposed, so the correspondence
was totally ``uninstitutional.''
The Office for the State Security has been
drastically decreased in scope---before the war it had offices all over
the former Yugoslavia and was exclusively in charge of the security on the
entire territory of SFRY---but it still existed formally, although idle
in reality.
All jobs important for the security of Serbia---and wider---were
transferred to the Department for the State Security (SDB) of the Serbian
Ministry of Internal Affairs (SMUP) and its chief Jovica Stanisic, who is
well known as one of a few who enjoyed the undivided confidence of Slobodan
Milosevic. Montenegro, for what else could it do, overtook those jobs for
its territory, so the State Security of Montenegro's sovereignty rules over
the protection of the order in the republic. So Marko Nicovic, member of
the Directorate of JUL (and the former chief of the Belgrade Police) says
for the Vreme that Yugoslavia must become a united federal state.
So far, the effective power was in the hands of republics. This will now
move to the federal level---that which was in the hands of republics will
be on the federal level... Federal offices are much more inferior to the
republics', on all basis---by professionals and by all performances. That
is why the office for the protection of the constitutional order is to be
formed on the federal level. It will be the most important office to cement
the new relations,'' forecasts Nicovic.
All in all, the people from the
SDB SMUP, as well as the lawyers, do not take seriously the statements of
Bogdanovic and wonder why the public, headed by the press, thinks that he
is still an important figure in the police. They say that he would not be
free to walk around and give statements were he really having an important
role, because in that case he would be under better control. They also say
that Bogdanovic, the way he is, is welcome for those who really have the
power of decision, because he makes a fuss and attracts attention while
the real job is done somewhere else.
So Bogdanovic, a teacher from Jagodina,
a retired policeman after 17 years spent on the jobs of public security
(and he had never dealt with the state security), speaks about the commotion
in the intelligence and counter-intelligence sectors, about SDB, security
in the Yugoslav Army, about the office for security that is dealing with
the protection in the departments of the Ministry of External Affairs in
particular, and says ``this law will, probably, encompass all that.''
There
is no question of canceling any of these offices, nor is this the first
country with several offices of this kind.
Source: Belgrade weekly Vreme ,
October 31, 1996
Marinko Culic of the Split weekly Feral Tribune
looks in the October 7, 1996 isssue of that magazine at the political background
of the new draft law on journalism in Croatia.
We have the law on information,
proudly boasted Radio 101, after the furror in the Parliament was concluded
concerning that law, and it was finally adopted. This Zagreb radio, to whom
the authorities unwillingly and partially keep on extending the right to
continue its operation, but to whom they have drastically curtailed to dfrequency
domain, really has the reason to be cynical about the situation it has found
itself in, along with a small bunch of still truly independent media. The
new law, which is supported, due to their different reasons, by all three
interested parties - HDZ, larger part of the opposition and the Croatian
Journalists Society - means the least to those for whom it qwas passed:
the journalists. For them it is almost unimportant what this law contains.
Since so far, no regulations and constitutional principles were not able
to curitail the self-will of the regime towards the media, as well as the
others who had the possibility to experience its omnipotent capabilities.
This opinion is particularly confirmed by the fact that neither the Croatian
TV nor Radio presented a live coverage of the Parliamentary debate on the
famous Law on public information. So, a public information law about which
the public is not informed !
A particular reason to have a particularly
reserved view on the different better ments of the law on media
is the fact that HDZ regime, regularly gives this the alibi of a debate,
in which its responsibility for the current media situation is completely
lost.
And that responsibility is the greatest, imesuarably greater than
of all those on whom HDZ critics are descending upon. To make this clearer,
a closer picture should be given about the average member of the Council
of Europe, due to which the passage of this law has been rushed about.
In
every one of those average countries the government has a heavy feeling
about a manner in which the media write and speak about it, but in difference
to our authorities, they are an important, if not the most important, element
in the information chain. This means that the uathorities regularly inform
the public about the state of the nation , and when an argumented
critique appears in the media on their account, a necessary explanation
will be read and heard about it prepared by the government.
Here, such necessary
explanations are not even given in the Parliament, while the writing in
the media is answered with a highbrwo, boycotting silence, which pushes
the journalists to send constant, new challenges to the mute state leadership
and raise the levle of super sensational and turbo exclusive
information.
Daily stresses cused by this cannot be solved with new laws
( sanctioning of incorrect titles that has been introduced now is unjust
and pointless, while the authorities remain speechless about the things
that lie under the headline). And what is most important, with this, the
esssence of deformations in the media remains untouched.
It is actually
quite clear that the spiritual fatherhood over the yellow press
in Croatia belongs directly to the authorities, who, sometimes, directly
take over the editing of such newspapers. This game surrounding the media
would be, surely, over a long time ago with the liquidation of the yellow
Press were it not for the practically daily overseeing of the media
here by the sponsors of the Croatian integration into the world.
In this
manner, surprise trnarounds are quite possible, like the the that occured
a while ago when the article on obligatory insurance for the paper was stricken
from the draft of the law.
Since preceding this came a strong conflict within
the HDZ, where at the loosing end were the radical rightists in the party,
who have initiated the greatest onslaught on the media, the independent
journalists have eventually scored some points..
It is much harder to say
this about the opposition, to whom the HDZ intelligently let to be the formal
initiator of the striking of the mentioned article (the eal initiators were
in Brussels and Strasbourg).
Source: Split weekly Feral Tribune ,
October 7, 1996
An unsigned editorial in the same issue of Feral
Tribune , examines the attempts of the two state supportend media magnates
in Croatia, to form their own TV network.
While the complete journalists
branch is occupied with the new law on public information and the traps
to the profession which thid law codifies, the undisputed rulers of thespoken
and written word in Croatia, the newly promoted media magnates, quitly,
far away from the public, plan a thorough tailoring of the Croatian media
space.
One of this tailoring media moves is the project of the
new television, with a working title The Network . The stretching
of this TV net is the work of the two new wave media tycoons: Miroslav Kutle,
the owner of the Globus Holding and Ninonslav Pavic,, the owner
of the Europapress Holding , with a detailed network of magazines,
of which Globus is the most known; so, a net into which a greater
number of the local, city and regional TV stations has been caught.
According
to, in all truth unconfirmed information, which have begun to spread through
the media profession, but also through the halls of the Parliament, The
Network would unify 7 local TV stations: from Zagreb OTV and TV
Marjan in Split, through Vinkovci TV , Slavonia TV
from Osijek and Mostar TV (which gives an international importance
to the project), as far as TV Moslavina and TV Nova
from Pula.
The geographical spread of the stations caught in
the Network corresponds the strategic goal of the Kutle-Pavic
duo, and that is almost hundred percent coverage of the territory of the
Croatian state, but also a large part of the Herzegovina diaspora. The initiators
of the Network have two goals in front of them: a marketing
competition to the state HTV, as well as the new mionopolization and centralization
of the information space. While in their second goal they will have, probably,
the support of their HDZ patrons, who have a strong electoral battle in
fron of them, with the competition to the HTV there might be some problems.
The Network can offer to their marketing partners the territory
of the whole state, with the addition of a chunk of a neighbouring state,
which means a number of 4 million potential viewers.
So,in essence, close
to what, in a marketing sense, can be offered today by the HTV. What becomes
obvious from this concept even to a layman is what from a first sight might
not have been: the local TV stations would forever have to loose their local
color, although they would keep their current form.
In other words, The
Network will not swallow the mentioned seven TV-stations, but the
concept of joint exchange of programmes and presentation of programmes prepared
in the center will in its foundations change their current character. Particularly
in the oncoming turbulent pre-electoral months. Along with this, the strong
desire of the creators of The Network to bite off from the HTV
monopolists as a bigger chunk of the marketing cake and transfer it to their
safes, will in a great manner determine the programming scheme of the TV
stations which would fall under The Network 's hat.
The centralization
and marketing ambitions of the creators of The Network will
probably has as a consequence the betterment of the quality of the program
of the local TV stations, which will not be such a hard task, but this will
occur at the expense of the local programing color and programing autonomy.
It is also to be expected that the program of these stations will have to
be reduced it is expensive, it takes up space to marketing, which
is the only factor bringing in revenue. To confirm that the The Nretwork
project is not moving solely in the spheres of more or less confirmed
indiscretions is confirmed by the more and more frequent announcements of
the trandsfer of well known journalistic names on the line HTV-The Network;
from Denis Latin, Igor Markovic and Silvana Medjusic to Dubravko Merlic.
But, along with incomings, The Network notifies the goings too.
The editor-in-chief of the TV Marjan , Zlatko Gall, gave in his
resignation to Kutle's TV advisor Marin Crnja, and has returned to his former
post in the daily Slobodna Dalmacija .
Source: Split weekly Feral
Tribune , October 7, 1996
Balkan Media & Policy Monitor
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