Fatos Lubonja , a prominent Albanian publicist, comments in the Tirana daily, "Koha Jone" , of 13 July 1997, on the current political situation after the elections, and stresses the need for a new constitution as a foundation for a new society in Albania.
The most distinguishable characteristic of the recent crisis is an extreme social irresponsibility , which finds expression in two dramatic ways: an irresponsibility on the part of the politicians, and zeal to destroy the country but to hold to power by all means, and an irresponsibility on the part of the people towards common values as well as an incapacity to organise in defence of public assets: schools, banks, libraries, hospitals, bridges and museums, in other words not one own garden, in defence of those components that turn a crowd, a tribe a group of families into community. More that 1500 Albanians lost their lives within the last three months; few of them shed their blood for a social ideal.
In order to understand the Albanian phenomena of civic irresponsibility one should surpass the communist history and the pathological case Berisha. In the end of the XIX century, Albanians were the last of the Balkan people to develop further than tribal loose organisation into an independent state and community, with a particular cultural and national identity. Being at the borders of Bizantium, ottoman and Austro-Hungarian empire, recruited as mercenaries by all of them, they were neither assimilated, nor civilised and take seriously enough one of the religions of the empires. Mithat Frasheri wrote that in 1992 Albanians had to face a difficult task, to turn their country from loosely organised tribes into a nation.
The destiny of XX century Albania is sealed by the failures of the Albanian political class and the cultural and clergy elite in fulfilling their mission of uniting Albanians to the fundamental values of nation-state formation. The dramas of the recent century are consequences of the difficulties of surpassing/making up with historical vacuum, the incapacity "to develop primary materials of community" , such as a common religion, culture, historical consciousness, not in the sense of a common national identity from the North to the South of Albania.
The independent Albanian state was more a given in international affairs rather than a creation and organisation of the Albanians themselves. Ever since, Albanians have put an end to anarchy and instability only by the establishment of dictatorship supported from abroad. The establishment of the communist state, following the Stalinist model was accompanied by massive urbanisation as never before. Extremely poor and ignorant peasants, mainly from the South landed into the cities, filling up the army, the police giving the most ruthless and fanatic colours to Hoxha's dictatorship. The Yugoslav, Russian and Chinese support to the regime were fundamental for its existence.
It can not be denied that during communism, Albania underwent a significant process of North-South homogenisation. But this happened only with the control of the state, in the name of an ideology and economic system that violated fundamental human rights. This is the reason why it did not lay the basis of community feeling and, in particular, did not develop the individual responsibility towards this community.
The fall of communism left Albania in a state of anarchy. Two thirds of the Albanian state history was communism, the fall of communist symbols left Albanian extremely poor economically and in a crisis of identity. Albanians lacked a strong nationalist substratum that would have converted the communist authoritarianism into a nationalist one, and it lacked the roots of democratic institutions present in countries like Poland, Chekoslovakia or Hungary - in order to establish a democratic state. The so-called "democratic revolution" of 1991 did not carry the meaning of those revolutions in which a certain political class, after being strengthened economically, demands political power. Albanians were given the chance to establish a new state in which the old authoritarian methods would be combined with the lust of the new political class to profit personally, in other worlds a Mafia-type state.
During the post-communist period, there was not only the tendency of a political clan to concentrate political power to the maximum and exclude the others, but a second phase of massive urbanisation started interrupted by Hoxha soon after the break with the Soviet Union. People who landed from the villages, mostly from the North, once again filled the administration, police, secret service and were "rewarded" for their contribution in the privatisation process. As in the first days of communism, Albania did not show enough civil and intellectual strength to resist this deluge of aggressivity on the part of the new barbarians.
Once again, the international community supported and strengthen the pattern. Berisha was seen as a factor of stability and he was supported without much consideration given to the internal process of Albanian democracy. Under the supervision of the West, politicians in power quenched the initiated dialogue and the establishment of a civil society in relation to political human rights, whereas in the realm of economy they paralysed free initiative through the encouragement of pyramid schemes. As in the past the essence of authoritarian tradition prevailed, a model in which the state should take care of its existence, supported by the West, meanwhile being a caretaker and a provider for the community.
The politicians in power considered their contribution to the state not as responsibility, but as a means to wealth. Dictatorship in the name of democracy and pyramid schemes instead of free initiative were the mutations of the communist political-economic system. This monster could survive only for five years.
The collapse of the Albanian state was the final collapse of the authoritarian mentality, according to which the state and the individual do not co-operate with each other, but are in antagonistic terms tied a relationship built on deceit and fear.
Before 29 June elections, few were those who believed that they would bring a solution to last months anarchy. Generally, it was thought that the rebellions of the South of Albania, the first act of this drama, was going to be followed by some violent acts to the bitter end. These hypothesis' were based on a possible balance of forces after the elections, which would leave into power the main mover of the crisis, Berisha. Meanwhile nobody believed in a possible compromise between the Democratic and the Socialist Party, and even less in a peaceful resolution of the conflict between Berisha the people of the South. Berisha's victory, even if recognised by the West, would have had little chance to be accepted by them.
What happened gives the hope that that the conflict will be further resolved peacefully: the convincing victory of the opposition. The most desired scenario is that this opposition knows how to neutralise and stabilise the political banditism, and then deal in order to eliminate the ordinary gangs.
But this does not exclude the possibility of other unexpected and dangerous scenarios that could emerge. The question relates to the possibility of the coalition of the left to establish a new state with authority in its electorate. The second point is whether is will be possible that the political class retakes the dialogue for the construction of state and society and avoid conflict at all means.
It appears that the dialogue between the socialists in power and the democrats' in opposition is not on the way. Conflictual politics are still a danger to the reconstruction of the state authority. Berisha is giving clear signs that he will not give up power easily by keeping the conflict alive. The DP declarations have built on a rationale that is Conflictual rather than on comprise and dialogue. Meanwhile, Leka Zog, expected to behave like a civilised European, once challenged by the referendum results was ready to destroy the country in order to secure his throne. The criminal bands are already a third party in addition to the above political opponents, challenging the authority of the new state.
This becomes more difficult considering the fact that more than 1500 people lost their lives during the last few months. Will justice prevail or will political crime continue to flourish with out being punished as the recent past? Can peace and justice exclude each other? How will the Government operate? And what about the return of the money lost in the pyramid schemes. Some parties consider Berisha staying in power in order to provide answer to this complicated issue. Nano has already "corrected" the promise made in Vlora that once in power he will return the money. In short, the situation is full of potential conflicts. These provides the best terrain for the operation of the criminal bands that oblige the citizens to stay in doors. Crime against the community, against infrastructure, environment and urban-planning goes unpunished. The "liberated" Albanian continues to destroy and ruin the state and public institutions.
Albania today is an example par excellence that gives the clue to understand why anarchy prehistorically was the cradle of tyranny. Many are those that feel the need for a strong state to control and punish political banditism and ordinary crime. But the necessity and solution of our problems through the establishment of an authoritarian state still does not fill the vacuum between the state and the citizens, it is a continuation of the same rationale based on authoritarianism and strengthens the vicious circle of dictatorship - rebellion - destruction/anarchy - dictatorship. Once again, like in 1991, Albanians are at cross-roads. There are two option: either to invent heroes and fake symbols and change them with power and responsibility or to take, all together, the longest and most difficult path, that of constructing a civil society and responsible elected decision-makers.
In practice, the establishment of the civil society poses a real challenge for there exists a lot of distrust on the part of people, the existing prevailing idea is that the politician and the police better deal with the Mafiosi rather than confront and resolve the daily problems of the citizens. In cities like Shkoder, Berat and Vlore people lock themselves indoors, a phenomena that did not occur during a state of war. The tendency to leave the country is becoming stronger. Albania needs a second renascence, a new spirit, a new political myth which could be the basis of a new epoch. In a democratic, pluralist and multi-cultural state/society, a myth can not be raised on an ideology, a religion or an individual. We should find other ways. As history proves, myths are constructed either under the perceived threat of an enemy or as a result of a catastrophe.
In essence, the enemy and the catastrophe of Albania was on one hand the oppressive state that did neither served, nor protected its citizens but exploited them and on the other the absence of community feeling among us, the mentality that "the snake that does not harm to me can live for 100 years". All our efforts should concentrate on educating people that in democracy the state and the individuals are two sides of the same coin; that the state can not survive if taxes are not paid, that the state can not protect its citizens unless they give up the idea of being politicians, thieves and the police at the same time. This is a struggle against collective and individual irresponsibility in front of the society/community values.
The above statements have been theoretically developed. The most probable catastrophe has taught us more than theories written on other people's experiences. It is very difficult to have positive results in a short time. The formulation of creative ideas and ways is the task of all the cultural, political and clerical elite of Albania. Such ideas have not been absent, but they have been suffocated by the mediocrity of the politicians. In the absence of national symbols, a new political myth for all the Albanians may be the constitution. The establishment of a new constitution accepted by all could lead the foundations of new state and society. It could become a symbol of unity, co-operation, tolerance.
The new politicians can become symbols of new style of decision-making and responsibility towards the community.
In essence the structure of the Albanian society is at a very primitive stage, in which beyond straight family or blood ties, there exist "the others" towards whom we do not have any obligation. The communists imposed community co-operation, establishing artificial and painful links between individuals. The fall of communism has forced on Albanians this initial stage.
In our case, the transition beyond blood ties and the construction of the civil society needs the strenuous and co-ordinated efforts on the part of all community political leaders, of the clergy, of the intellectuals.
Criminal bands which are growing like mushrooms are productions of the extreme poverty and absence of education. We should be aware that these young men, few years ago were children; we did nothing in order to channel their energies positively. No state can deal with crime better than an organised community that does not stimulate conflict and crime, but neutralises through tolerance and dialogue.
During 1991-1992 Albanians chanted "we want Albania to be in Europe". Instead many Albanians opted to leave the country. Those in power did nothing to stop the brain-drain. On the contrary they stimulated this through discriminatory and mediocre policies. The contribution of an intelligentsia would enrich the spiritual life of the community and would enrich it with the European experience.
Source: Tirana daily "Koha Jone", July 13, 1997
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