BALKAN MEDIA & POLICY MONITOR

NEWS AND ANALYSIS DIGEST
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ISSUE 12 VOL 2 MAY 31, 1995.


IN THIS ISSUE:

The Croatian action in Western Slavonia:
The team of journalists of the Belgrade weekly "Vreme"
and Podgorica magazine "Monitor" look at the background of this action


Comments and Analyses:
  • Belgrade by-weekly "Republika" and news pool "AIM" discuss the politics and strategy of Serbian president Slobodan Milosevic

  • Pristina weekly "Koha" and Split weekly "Feral Tribune" comment, from respective angles, the effects of the 50th Anniversary of victory over fascism

  • Internal political events:
  • Belgrade magazines "NIN" and "Republika" analyse the current political moves of the ruling SPS party

  • News pool "AIM" looks at the current rictions between Serbia and Montenegro

  • Pristina weekly "Koha" discusses the background of change in street names in the city

  • Skopje daily "Nova Makedonija" gives a view on the activities of George Soros

  • Interviews:
  • Zagreb weekly "Globus" interviews prof. Josip Zupanov, and Split weekly "Feral Tribune" prof. Branko Horvat on the events in Croatia

  • Supplement:
  • Current events in Bosnia: "Nasa Borba", "NIN", and "Vreme" bring their views.

  • The Croatian Action in Western Slavonia

    Belgrade weekly "Vreme" in its issue of May 8 1995. brought a detailed series of articles concerning the Croatian overtaking of Western Slavonia, prepared by the team of five "Vreme" journalists. Here are some of the more indicative conclusions . The fall of Western slavonia has its beginning in November of 1991.: and this current situation is only the logical end of the process which was begun then. In the counties of Podravska Slatina, Daruvar, Pakrac, Nova Gradiska, Novska, Virovitica and slavonska Pozega, there were, according to the 1991. census around 70.000 Serbs, but not in any of these counties did they have absolute majority, since the mentioned counties only caught a part each of the compact Serbian ethnic corps in Western Slavonia. In the autumn of 1991. Western Slavonia under Serbian control stretched on through the territory at least twice the size than the Serb kept after the exodus.

    The territories saturated with Serbs (from 51 to 100 percent) were three times larger than those lost in the last Croatian offensive. "Under control" in this sense in autumn of 1991., meant actually military control.

    The Western Slavonians were armed through all possible means - from the Serbian police, JNA, SKPJ (the renewed Communist party, then lead by army generals and mrs. Milosevic), to semi- private channels of their more known pensioned generals, for example Dusan Pekic and others. Raised to arms, distressed and in fear, the western slavonians have taken and held strongly - in their very partisan tradition - the mountain slopes of Psunj and Papuk, almost in front of the city of Virovitica.

    At the beginning of December of 1, 1991., coinciding with the fall of Vukovar, Eastern slavonia and Baranja, the western slavonians from the areas north east of Pakrac got the order from then JNA and local parastate authorities to gather their belongings and move within 48 hours to Banja Luka. This exodus is one of the most moving stories of the 1991 war - at least from the Serbian side. It would turn out later that this was the first application of the infamous principle of "humane exchange of population", from the SANU company (SANU- Serbian Academy of Arts and Sciences): these Western Slavonians do not suit us nicely where they live now, so we'll move them to Baranja, and Croatia should take care of their nationals from Baranja in any manner it can.

    Anyway,Veljko Dzakula one of the key political figures among the Serbs in Western Slavonia has publicly stated that Ilija Koncarevic, then the president of the "Great national congress of Eastern Slavonia, Baranja and Western Srijem" has explained to him and some other colleagues of his (then vice-president of the Serbian government Buda Kosutic was present) that Western slavonia was in any manner, envisioned for re-settlement and assimilation (into Croatia).

    Dr. Milan Babic, current minister of foreign affairs of Krajina, has also informally stated that, as far as he is concerned, "north of river Sava there are no Serbs". Also, Radovan Karadzic has been at various point been offering Western Slavonia (which is not his) for Orasje (which is Croatian) to later deny everything.

    This fait accompli of the Croatian state has completely upset the sum of the political bargaining so far on the line Belgrade-Zagreb-Knin-Pale. Krajina is again confined to the corridor through Brcko, since the economic agreements between Croatia and Krajina were giving an alternative corridor via the highway.

    Will this arrangement survive the fall of Western slavonia ? It is early to say anything about that, except that the Bosnian government army is getting stronger, Radovan Karadzic insists more and more to unite at any price with Krajina (or annex it), and Croatia pushed closer to Bosnia. Taking over Western slavonia, dr. Tudjman took the risk of pushing Krajina Serbs into Karadzic's lap, which is bad both for him and Milosevic, to whom Krajina is too precious to simply leave it to Karadzic.

    Western Slavonia represented for both, Krajina and Croatia a confines for pressures on each other and various trickery. First saw it, due to the highway and the railway, as the third place along with Maslenica and Karlovac for the real and potential cut-off of Croatian communications, anda good chip for bargaining. There are opinions that the Banja Luka corps of JNA in December 1991., after the great retreat, simply for those reasonskept intact the mentioned part around Okucani. For the official Zagreb, Western Slavonia under Serbian control was, again, due to a small population (around 15 thousand people), weak connections with the rest of Krajina, its shape which was hard to defend militarily, ideal for re-integration "by other means" - by the use of arms, first of all.

    These events have threatened with the fall-in of all rules of war and the crisis in former Yugoslavia so far, and this is not acceptable for Belgrade Zagreb or the international negotiators. That is what the events took the course they did: Western Slavonia does not represent such a great loss for the Serbs, but is a great gain for Croatia.

    The international framework is also present: according to the plan "Z-4", Western slavonia should fall under direct control of Croatia. This plan although it has not been accepted, is treated as the only possible realistic solution (the quiet of official Belgrade is considered as acceptance), and the military action of the Croatian army could be considered as its application "by other means". Belgrade would get its compensations somewhere else.

    Source: Belgrade weekly "Vreme", May 8, 1995.


    The independent Montenegrin weekly "Monitor", brought in its issue of May 5, an analysis of the Croatian retaking of the Western slavonia area by its journalist Miodrag Vukmanovic.

    With an obviously well planned and quick action, the Croatian forces have been able to tear away the Western Slavonia region from the so called Republic of Serbian Krajina" in only A day and a half.

    Endless repetition of calls for a mutually agreed solution, when it is evident that neither side will, under any circumstances give up of their key demands, could be primarily considered as a psychotherapeutic experiment than a diplomatic skill. The surprise factor, obviously then was not a decisive one for the heavy defeat of the Serbian side in Western Slavonia. The reasons lie, it seems, in the "all - Serbian bloc", in which the cracks are becoming more and more evident.The unseemly roaming of Belgrade political racketeers around Krajina, which to one of them serves for grand state commerce, and to the other as a grand state illusion, then, the worsening economic situation due to the strengthened international control on the river Drina, the unexpected course of events in the territories of Bosnian Serbs, with which "RSK" has military coordination, all of this has weakened the elan of Martic's "avengers". If the whole situation is then viewed through the recent statement of a high Serbian officer that "Serbian workers batallions" are not militarily up to the standard of trained Croatian special units, then it is possible to understand why a complete Serbian corps has been run over.

    During the Croatian offensive official Serbian TV (due to May 1 holidays the papers were not printed), has been screening the May 1 celebrations. Such a quantity of acted indifference, was, mildly put, immoral, actually typical. When on the second day, the "Chief military command" had a session, judging by the stiffened face of the head of the Chief-of-staff, one could see how his bureaucratic team comprehends the military dimension of the conflict. The statement produced was harsh and forgettable. It is obvious that Milosevic does not think that Okucani are in the sphere of primary interests.

    Source: Podgorica weekly "Monitor", May 5, 1995.


    Comments and Analyses

    Serbia - Milosevic policies

    Belgrade by-weekly "Republika" carried in its issue of April 30 a commentary by Miodrag Stanisavljevic about the change in policies of the Serbian President Milosevic.

    Among many truisms that are in circulation in Serbia today, says the author, one of the more disgusting is the one about the change in policy of the "bully from Dedinje"(location of Milosevic's residence in Belgrade).

    What is most interesting, many intelligent people believe in this authenticity of this change: many journalists from the so called independent media think this too. But, one thing can be said about the truthfulness of this change: it is authentic as much as the arguments used at the regime's top to explain it. And how is that done ?

    Explaining the reasons why it is necessary to accept the plan of the so called contact group, "the Boss" (Milosevic) has repeated several times that this has to be done since the "justified goals of the struggle of the Serbian people in Bosnia have been achieved".

    Is it necessary to remind, says Stanisavljevic, that the time of the "justified struggle" is the time of the greatest atrocities, ethnic cleansing, concentration camps, destruction and rape? It is amazing with what ease have so many people in Serbia and the world swallowed everything served to them from Dedinje. If everything that has happened in Bosnia until the bosses u-turn is "justified struggle", what would a "smallish" conquering war look like? If the statement about the " justified struggle" is correct, so is the one about the"policy change".

    Patriotic idiocy has reached its peak in Serbia of today. It seems normal to too many people that genocide is committed in Eastern and Northern Bosnia and then cry out loud "we are the victims of genocide". Our "patriots" would like to keep the pleasure of crime and to accept the condolences of the world as victims; to the real victims they only give the crime itself.

    Source: Belgrade weekly "Republika", April 15-30, 1995.


    Ivan Radovanovic of the independent journalist's pool AIM reported from Belgrade on the methods and reasoning of the bargaining process of Serbian president Milosevic concerning the recognition of Bosnia.

    It said in Belgrade, begins Radovanovic, that Milosevic has seen the whole Western Slavonia affair as only a minor unpleasantness, and not as a serious problem, being preoccupied with the negotiations with the international contact group. Simply, put it seems he is trying to trick them, as they are trying to trick him. Actually, the opinion in Belgrade seems to be that Western Slavonia is going where it belongs, and the rest of territories are under negotiation - Milosevic does not want to give Baranja and the border on Danube to anybody. The only thing he accepts that Vukovar, and only Vukovar, becomes a Croatian city again.

    The international community, it is now quite obvious, is asking much more from Milosevic than the simple recognition of Bosnia and Herzegovina within its borders. They will pose the questions of Kosovo, Sandjak, Vojvodina, and finally, of his resignation, as said by one of Serbian negotiators after one of the meetings with members of the Contact Group. At the same time, from the other side, voices are heard which confirm that Milosevic is being looked upon from the "punishment corner", but he himself does not feel bad about that.

    Intimately, he thinks he is in a good position, a politician from his closest circle insists, he does not have to do anything except drag his feet and wait for the outcome of American elections. He is convinced that he cannot be hurt more than he has been so far with sanctions, and they cannot any further with them.

    Milosevic's tactics of waiting and prolonging has shown itself best in his negotiations with the contact group. Since he calmly said that first variants that were offered to him (he was to give everything for nothing) were not serious, denying to even discuss them, he waited for another offer, without giving an answer to it so far. It is interesting that the Serbian president about these new offers never informed Radovan Karadzic and his cabinet in Pale. The Bosnian Serbs are informed about everything from informal sources, so it can be said that nothing changes in the relations between Belgrade and Pale. Milosevic remains with his a few months old request that he be given the mandate for negotiations, decisions and signing in the name of all Serbs, Karadzic is resisting, so is Martic.

    It doesn't matter, say people around Milosevic, we only need general Mladic's resignation (nobody in Belgrade doubts that it is coming) and than Karadzic will be gone. As can be learned, there is no physical danger to Karadzic (yet), but according to Milosevic's idea, "an eighth session" (the famous party session that brought Milosevic to power).

    Serbs from Pale are not the only ones who are excluded, from Milosevic's obviously strictly personal game with the international community. This is confirmed by the fact that the local public is only learning from informal sources about everything that the international contact group is offering to the Serbian president.

    The most interesting part of the paper that is still in one of Milosevic's bottom drawers, as the author says, is a " linguistic finesse". The paper calls the state of Bosnian Serbs by the term used by Karadzic - "Republika Srpska", without the usual "so called" or "self-proclaimed". Obviously, the international community is offering a formation of a new state within the internationally recognized Bosnian borders. A new union of the Muslim/Croat federation and Serbian Republic would have a joint government and joint foreign policy and joint diplomatic offices abroad. Everybody, though, would be left with their own police and army, and, at least in the beginning, there would be no monetary union.

    The newest proposals do not make precise the constitutional framework of the union, and the territory proportion remained the same 51:49. It is an important fact, thinks Radovanovic, that the international community offers the formation of a new state within the internationally recognized borders, and then would came everything else, along with a clear ending - FR Yugoslavia and Croatia would have to be the guarantors of the conduct of the agreement on the future union. In return, Milosevic is offered something that is named the essential suspension of sanctions. It came out that Milosevic, in the first instance, offered the recognition of Bosnia as a state with undefined borders and whose "constituent nations" would be Serbs, Croats and Muslims. He offered something similar for Croatia, with the addition that there he wants to know precisely in which areas the Serbs would have something akin to autonomy.

    In other words, the Serbian president has already accepted a minimum of realization of his national programme, and it a serious question whether he could, or wishes to go further than that.

    Source: Independent journalist service AIM, through Belgrade independent radio B- 92 e-mail news service


    Kosovo - 50th Anniversary

    The editor of the Pristina Albanian language weekly "Koha", Veton Surroi, gave a comment on some aspects of political polemics in Kosova in the May 3 issue of the magazine.

    I have not imagined, writes Surroi, even today, the year we are celebrating the 50th anniversary of the world's victory against fascism, that the need to claim that the Albanian Partisan units were "Pan Slavic" red traitors or the ones who didn't agree with Partisans at the end of the war were an extended black hand of Fascism, would still be alive.

    Naturally, all of this could have been evidenced thanks to the free expression, and without any doubt, despite how unnecessary and painful the polemics might seem today, we must not allow ourselves to go back to the times when in the name of the "higher interest", the freedom of expression was restricted. Finally, maybe this is how the actual political thought in Kosova is like: who was Tito's Communist, who was an Enverist, what did Partisans and what did Ballists do?

    Looked upon the perspective of the actors of polemics, it is certain that all are right. Such debates, continue in Western Europe today, in retired persons' clubs and cafes. But looked from the perspective outside of Kosova, all what is happening today resembles a glass cage where people are quarreling because they can't come out from the cage. Maybe this would be the best explanation of the political, spiritual condition which is ritually repeated each time a polemic issue appears: occupied Kosova could be the ring of ruthless verbal struggles between the people of different ideologies and ex-ideologies.

    All of this will pass, thinks Surroi. Such a release of emotions should have been foreseen, but at the same time, in the future, the debate on the situation in Kosova must be directed towards finding a solution. This debate can't tolerate to have an accusation like "yes, but you were like this", as the main argument against an opposite opinion.

    Maybe then we could say that World War II is over and that the Berlin Wall has fallen. For the time being, these two events of the century seem not to have yet registered in the Kosovan collective mind.

    Source: Pristina weekly "Koha", May, 3 1995.


    Croatia - 50th Anniversary

    May 22 issue of the independent Split weekly "Feral Tribune" carried analysis of Luka Vincetic (a Catholic publicist) concerning the background effects and essence of the Croatian celebration of the 50.th anniversary of the victory over fascism.

    Vincetic says that May 1995, will be remembered as the definitive division among Croats. The official celebration of victory over fascism in Europe in Croatia was reduced to a easily read farce; this was done to promote, with as little effort as possible the "Bleiburg mystification"(Bleiburg is the location in Austria where it is said that Yugoslav Partisans eliminated thousands of remnants of Ustashi troops after the end of the Second World War). "The divine one"(president Tudjman) found himself abroad at celebrations, some reefs were laid in Jasenovac (the site of the largest concentration camp in the Balkans during Second World war), under the monuments in the graveyards and similar. There was a speech in the Parliament about Croatian anti-fascism, the TV also played its part.

    But, it was sincerely kept quiet about the reality of the "Independent State of Croatia"(NDH - the puppet nazi state during Second World war), and particularly there was no inclusion in those conversations - which would at least be an honest move - of not one surviving victim of the Ustashi terror, for example Serb, Jew, Romani or Croat, which did not fit in the ustashi vision of the world.

    The commemoration of the Bleiburg tragedy itself went into a clear direction - everything resembled the inauguration of the "croatian Kosovo".

    So, with all the insistence that Croatia does not belong to the Balkans, not even to the Slavic genealogy, we have practically moved into the same step as the Serbs, says Vincetic.

    The Serbian myth gaped its mouth open in recent days, when the "christians" have killed and burned one innocent catholic priest and nun near Banja Luka, and, probably, the killers crossed themselves calmly after that, wiped their hands and went to lunch. In Bleiburg, on the other hand, there was no light, perspective, life,truth, forgiveness and request for forgiveness... Solely, tragedy, defeat, greater serbian baton, bones, revenge, quarrel with the whole world, treason...

    The Croatian bishops have, continues Vincetic, issued a letter on the 50th anniversary of the end of the Second World war - which did not get great publicity in the public, paying great attention on the key elements of the past. That is a document that with some fine words seeks the truth and warns of it, and discerns itself form the "fan like" atmosphere of the Croatian present. With a lot of concern it lists the victims of the "Croatian nation and Catholic church", but also the victims of "Serbian nationality and Serbian Orthodox Church", and the victims of "Jews, Romanis and all killed among us during the Second World war only because they were of a different nation, different confession, or different political persuasion". Vincetic considers the following passage as the essence of this message:

    "It is not the key weight of the question how to mourn the victims of your own community and how to recognize the guilt of the other community. Croats and Serbs, Catholics and Orthodox, Muslims and others are confronted with a heavier moral question: How to mourn the victims of the other community how to accept the guilt of your own community?...How to Begin a new era based on justice and truth?"

    From the churches mouth it is clearly said: Jasenovac is our (sinful) tragedy, while Bleiburg and "Cross road" our (victorious) glory. And the others should faithfully do their job: politicians the political one, the historians historical and so on... In that manner we will get closer to the truth that brings freedom. It should be known that majority of people living now in Croatia were not among the Partisans or the Ustashis, nor among the Chetniks, concludes Vincetic.

    Source: Split weekly "Feral Tribune", May 22, 1995.


    Internal Political Events

    Serbia

    Olivija Rusovac, a regular contributor to the Belgrade by-weekly magazine "Republika" in the paper's issue of April 15-30, comments on the aggressive activity of the ruling Socialist party in Serbia to mobilize new members among young people.

    Rusovac says that the state TV channel has "enriched" its programme recently by showing massive scenes of the initiation of youngsters in their puberty becoming conscious members of the Socialist party (SPS).

    Judging by the scenario that was applied in the city of Zajecar, this job is done with the help of SPS committees, which have conversations with professors and students. After that, their voluntary joining of the SPS.

    This occurrence has achieved a status of an epidemic, caching up cities, suburbs, schools, ethnic groups (recently forty young Romanis from a Belgrade suburb were enrolled in SPS). Young socialists, state in front of the cameras, with an unbearable ease, that have seen in that party "the goals that are theirs". Since it became a trend to talk peace, they add, "and that is peace".

    Why is the regime doing this, asks herself the author. Is it because it does not want to lose another generation which would repeat some student protest or graduate mutiny... It is possible that this open misuse of young people is in the service of a play in the style of " the king is having fun", along with the promotional activities like the "year of the culture" (while the scandal in the "National theatre" in Belgrade rages on ), or the membership of Mira Markovic (mrs. Milosevic) in the Russian academy of sciences. At any rate, nobody resisted. The, parents, teachers, people of culture are quiet. After the downfall of the "Student protest", the students have turned towards "individual strategies", as their professors say; that is the road taken also by current high school graduates. Very few are reacting to the systematic activities against "Soros Foundation", even though his list of people for survival has to be seen to be believed.

    The opposition is panically scared of any opportunity that would turn up to organize a meeting, even though some of their leaders are saying that only out-of-parliament activities gives results. So, it was a stone of the chest of everybody when the idea of a meeting for the independent TV station "Studio B" fell through.

    The indifference of the oppositionaries and the independents does not differ in any way from the indifference of the overheated attendants of pro-Milosevic meetings, government officials and party leaders with bank accounts in Cyprus, fake patriots and wandering warriors, even they hate each other and deplore any comparisons. These two "teams" are united in their indifference.

    The regime attacks those that might be the germ of some new infrastructure-- it does not fear the indifferent, that is why it is not attacking them, or does not do that seriously, concludes Rusovac.

    Source: Belgrade fortnightly "Republika", April 15 -30, 1995.


    In the May 22 issue of the Belgrade weekly NIN, Branka Andjelkovic discusses the activities of the ruling Socialist Part of Serbia (SPS) to position itself for the future elections by overtaking the county ad city council which were won at the last elections by the opposition.

    Andjelkovic says that judging by the artistically planned actions of the ruling party, the "local self-governors" from the oppositionary ranks, cannot have any easy dreams. As their worst nightmare appears the County council, as is the official title named by the Serbian government when it introduces extraordinary measures. Since, as it started, the small number of the counties where the opposition was in power in Serbia, will soon disappear, as the "peace and order" with an SPS stamp keeps on being introduced in them.

    As they had a good start with the Belgrade county of "Stari Grad", the Socialist applied the same scenario in the counties of Topola, Mionica, while the same actions are on in Kosijeric and Belgrade county of Palilula with still unforeseeable results: extraordinary measures or direct SPS takeover.

    If this is to be taken as indicative, the ruling party has found the cheapest way, through the "magic" of extraordinary measures, to overturn in its favor the results of the local elections in 1992, in some 20 counties where it did not win. This all at the time when the opposition in Serbia, with ginger steps, is winning the votes on local elections from their voters. The patience has ended, and when it is not possible to do it legally, by the will of the voters, than it is possible through formalistic means.

    The author cites Milan Bozic of the oppositionary SPO party (lead by Vuk Draskovic), who said that strange things are happening -- as soon as the extraordinary measures begin, there are no more additional local elections.

    There are many interpretations, says the author, how long these extraordinary measures could last, but by watching the practice in the counties, it seems they will last until the next elections. Even in the proposal of the law regulating local government, that will be discussed in the autumn in the Serbian parliament, the duration of extraordinary measures has not been defined.

    Source: Belgrade weekly "NIN", May 22, 1995.


    Serbia - Montenegro

    Dragan Djuric of the independent AIM agency (Belgrade) in his analysis of May 16, discusses some of the substantive questions that are becoming contested in the relations between Serbia nad Montenegro within the current Yugoslav federation.

    To the chronology of disputes between Serbia and Montenegro, says Djuric, more and more economic questions are being added.The burden of misunderstandings has been suddenly enlarged during the debate about the proposal of the company law, which is becoming more and more interesting.

    The approval of this law has been officially earmarked for the beginning of this summer. Even before the integral text of the proposed law has been published, the experts have stirred, due to the views that the law is attempting to re-introduce self-managing socialism, restore state ownership and give too much right to the employees. Confirming these opinions was the proposed article which was to ensure that in all companies, meaning private ones too, the employees should make the third of the executive council.

    The main discussion on the subject in Montenegro was organized by the Montenegrin chamber of commerce. The key dilemma that was presented was:

    does this draft law envision to large the rights of the employees, and aren't the rights of the director and the owner too curtailed.
    But, to this mainly ideological and political polemics, maybe the key character of a dispute was given by the Montenegrin prime minister Milo Djukanovic. The continuously enlarging discrepancy in the process and character of the privatization of economy in Serbian and Montenegro is becoming more and more known. Simply put, what is too much for one side, is too little for the other, what is too fast for one, is too slow for the other. Djukanovic explained his stance on this law with a very firm position that he will uncompromisingly resist any solution which could impede the transformations that have begun in the Montenegrin economy. While in Montenegro, it was prevented by the law that there could be existence of state companies, the draft of the federal law on companies codifies extensively the current situation, meaning the functioning of state companies. from this stem the more or less clear estimate of the Montenegrin prime minister that this draft law preserves state ownership and that "the eventual return to self-management would do nothing except prolong the illusion that the workers are managing the social ownership, which they have not even done so far".

    Along with the prime minister, there quite open critical remarks of the Montenegrin political parties and the key political parties in the republic. For example, the Montenegrin Social democratic party stated this draft represents the result of the intention of the ruling Socialist party in Serbia to secure itself an unscrupulous rule through the control of the state companies.

    On the other hand, the law was criticized in Serbia mainly by the experts and economists, while it received passing marks from some company heads and political parties. It was publicized that the ruling Socialists "support the draft and the text of the law". This current dispute among the two members of the federation is in connection with the basic questions of the economic life in the country, and does not have a national, but predominantly ideological and political/economic dimension.

    Source: Independent news agency AIM, May 16, through B92 e-mail service


    Kosovo

    In the May 10, issue of the Pristina weekly "Koha", Astrit Salihu discusses the policy of changing the names of city streets in Pristina and its political implications.

    Salihu says that at the end of February the Municipal Assembly of Pristina adopted the decision of the determination of the names of neighborhoods, streets and squares of the city of Pristina, later officially implemented. This decision changed all the names of Prishtina's streets and neighborhoods. In one word, the initiative to Serbianize everything has been completed. Now all enterprises and shops, regardless of their names, are written in cyrillic, and from now on, the ID cards of Prishtinians will also have the cyrillic names of neighborhoods and streets. All of the previous names have been replaced by Serbian geographical, ethnological, historical notions, and almost no Albanian ones. Tefik Canga has now been replaced by Ilija Garasanin (the author of "Nacertanije, which promoted the idea of Greater Serbia). The author gives other examples of the initiated changes.

    The psychological effect of the creation of anxiety of Albanians in their own place of birth is full. And this is nothing new - it only follows Cubrilovic's known logic, expressed in his study, that Albanians, through administrative obstructions, must be left with impression that they live in someone else's land. And this conclusion can be drawn thanks to the simple mathematical calculation: out of 417 names of streets, only 8 have names of Albanian personalities(of which one is a current correspondent of Belgrade official daily "Politika"), and these would have to represent the outstanding personalities of Albanian history and culture of the 90 % of the population in this territory!

    Whatever the intention, the motives of these changes can be many, starting from earlier elaborates, the disqualification of the Albanian factor, up to material reasons. The last one could also undergo a simple calculation: all citizens of Pristina would have to change their addresses on their ID cards. The respective certificates cost 5 dinars, and the total earned sum would amount to 500 thousand dinars. All has been done to make Kosova Serb, concludes the author. Only the presence of Albanians remains.

    Source: Pristina weekly "Koha", May 10, 1995.


    Macedonia

    Official Skopje daily "Nova Makedonija" published on May 19, a negative commentary concerning the activities of George Soros in Macedonia, concentrating on his key TV interview conducted on Macedonian TV.

    The editorial says that during this TV conversation, Mr. Soros kept questioning, encouraging and occasionally made comments. Among other things he said that he had arrived in Macedonia deeply concerned with the current ethnic tension and concerned, in general, with the slow progress of democratic changes in Macedonia. After what he had heard and seen here, he said that he will no longer be so loud in lobbying for Macedonia and will first wait to see what Macedonia will do to earn his symphaties.

    According to him, the authorities in Macedonia are treating the Albanian minority in the country in the fashion of the Serbian communist regime in Kosovo. The editorial continues to say that during the session of the Council of the Soros Foundation that preceded the interview humanitarian topics were not the main points on the session's agenda and , contrary to expectations, the topics were purely political. Among other things, the participants discussed the "old communist regime" in Macedonia as a basic obstacle to the establishment of a truly democratic and open civil society in which the Albanian minority, on an equal basis with the Macedonians, would enjoy all the rights of a constitutive nation.

    Participants at the session also discussed what seems to be the real reason for the visit of Mr. Soros-- the Greek/Macedonian relations and his desire to mediate in their normalization. In the opinion of Soros, the world is expecting Macedonia to make the first step and, as a sign of good faith towards Greece, give up its flag so that negotiations could begin.

    Who would not succeed in his place, asks the editorial. Once Macedonia changes its Constitution (as a sign of love towards the Albanians), give up the flag (to prove its good faith toward Greece) and becomes a civil society, in which Albanians will remain Albanians and the Macedonians (also"nationally disputable") will become "civilians", the dispute with Greece will be reduced to only one unsettled issue -- the name. Soros has a solution for this as well: "Slav-Macedonia".

    At all the meeting at the political level Soros repeated more or less, the same "advice" on how to lower the ethnic tension in the country, threatening that otherwise he will not only refuse to lobby for Macedonia throughout the world, but he will even cease financing projects in Macedonia (totaling, according to him, to some 5-6 million US dollars a year), insisting on his mediation.

    It is quite another question how such a mission like the Soros Foundation in Macedonia, noble in nature as it was in its early days, has now turned in its own opposite. What has changed Soros's attitude toward the level of democracy in Macedonia and made this financial tycoon wish for a political role in the Balkans, asks the paper.

    It answers by saying that it turned out that the organization is not registered with competent ministries or courts, either as the Soros Foundation or as an Open Society Institute. What was revealed, by the way, was only that is widely known - that the Republic of Macedonia simply has no laws on registering foundations, and the only document witnessing Mr. Soros's presence in the country is the document on the loan he granted the country under the previous parliament. In other words, no activity of his Foundation seems to be registered anywhere but the personality of Mr. Soros, his foundation is, in a way, "made legal" in this country, concludes the "Nova Makedonija" editorial.

    Source: Skopje daily "Nova Makedonija", May 19, 1995,. through "MILS" e-mail service


    Interviews

    Croatia

    Zagreb weekly "Globus" has published in its issue of May 5 an interview with a former renowned professor of the Zagreb College of Political Science, Josip Zupanov, who expressed his detailed view on the current situation in Croatia.

    Zupanov first discussed the situation of a massive emigration of people from Croatia particularly young educated people. Until recently at least 94 thousand young people left Croatia, even to some formerly "unattractive" communist countries like Hungary, in which some 8 thousand young Croatians settled.

    He stated that if 70 % of high school graduates want to leave abroad, something is definitely wrong. This means that among the young people a culture of departing is developing, or at least the expectation that it is normal for the young person, after graduation, has to go abroad. What is on hand, says Zupanov, is a process of "re-traditionalization" of the society in Croatia. It is a matter of aggressive propaganda of traditionalistic values. Something like that can be propagated in a rural society, but this pierces the ear in an urban setting. The more these messages are aggressively pushed through the media, the young get a more clear message:

    don't expect anything here, leave as soon as possible. Asked about the repressive measures proposed by some politicians in Croatia, like the additional taxes for unmarried people or couples without children, he said that the key problem with them is that when their introduction starts, nobody can be aware what heir implementation will bring. This can only speed up the decision to leave the country. As if all the cards have been dealt in the manner to push the young people to leave.

    Zupanov said that some serious people at the Zagreb university attempted to refute the fact that there exist a "brain drain" in Croatia, but when the fact started proving otherwise, they insisted that they wanted to better their financial situation or their knowledge, and that they will then return. But, nobody is able to show how many intellectuals have actually returned. There are political reasons why all this is being covered up, he said.

    Source: Zagreb weekly "Globus", May 5, 1995.


    Split weekly "Feral Tribune" brought in its issue of May 22 an extensive interview with Branko Horvat,one of the most renowned economists on the territory of former Yugoslavia and the current president of the Socialdemocratic union of Croatia.

    Horvat said that today, under Tudjman's regime, Croatia is in the group of the worst countries in Europe and has been reduced to a colonial status. Of the three leading Yugoslav politicians Tito and Bakaric were Croatians and Kardelj was slovenians, how could then Croatians be exploited, asks Horvat.

    He said that from 1941 until 1945 he was a witness of the same bad blood that is ruling today. When the Partisans won, this stopped immediately. If you want to stop, that is possible. The problem today is that there is no will for that.

    Asked about his current ideas of decentralization and regionalization of Croatia, Horvat said that he is still for the ties among all former Yugoslav republics, as well as Bulgaria and Albania. Now there are dozen states in the Balkans! Horvat says he wrote a study concerning economic connections of the whole East European region, which would parallel the West European integration, considered everywhere except in Croatia.

    Commenting on his writing that the opening of borders between post -Yugoslav republics would create a feeling among Serbs that they live in the same state, Horvat said that there is no historical example which would show that Croatian Serbs want to leave Croatia. After the emigration of Pribicevic (a pre-world war Serbian politician from Croatia), the Croatian Serbs put themselves under ingerencies of Macek (the key Croatian politician of the time), expecting of him to represent them in the politics of royal Yugoslavia, in Serbian Belgrade. The Croatian Serbs are our capital which we should have used, if somebody from the outside, even from Belgrade, attempted to attack us. It is a fact that it is the for the first time today that the Croatian Serbs have separated themselves, and that they are viewing Croatia as an enemy. This is a result of somebodys politics.

    Discussing the responsibility of Croatian and Serbian politics for the war, Horvat stated that Croatian politics is nationalistic and discriminatory. It throws people out of their apartments, prevents them from being employed, and conducts other forms of violence. But, Croatia did not attack anybody. Serbian politics is in this sense same as the Croatian one, but added to this, it took up arms and started to kill. It aligned itself on the level of fascistic aggression. On the other hand if Tudjman's regime had the arms, I am afraid it would have acted the same.

    Talking about the Croatian action in Western Slavonia, Horvat said that he was pleasantly surprised that suddenly the Serbs there were proclaimed as Croatian citizens, equal to all others. But then the reports started coming in from the terrain and from the foreign press. They show that a verbal curtain has been raised behind which hid the same nationalism which existed before. The discrimination remained, and there was killing, maybe on a smaller scale than before. Behind Croatian army empty spaces were left. We saw on TV civilians with hand behind their heads, which indicates inhumane treatment; in war the soldiers surrender, not civilians.

    Many people were thrown out of their homes into camps in Varazdin and Bjelovar and elsewhere. The investigation should have been conducted on the spot, without sending people to camps.

    Discussing political aspects of this action, Horvat said that there is talk that Milosevic is leaving Krajina to Tudjman for Baranja. It is important that there should not be any commerce with territories within the AVNOJ (former internal) borders. AVNOj is a definitive agreement, in the same manner as Osimo is. One should start from those firm parameters, and then agree on the modalities which guarantee the inviolability of everybodys interest.

    Commenting on the next elections in Croatia Horvat said that if the opposition wins the parliamentarian system will be established. In that manner, a more distinguished democratic element would come to the fore. Such a regime would emphasize more the experts, whom HDZ does not value at all. They care about the police and those who are getting rich, where their boss (president Tudjman) is getting richest. But in Croatia, as well as in Serbia, the opposition is equally nationalistic as the regime. That is why it would not be able to secure respect for Croatia in Europe; Croatia of today is undesirable, and when I am at a symposium, I am ashamed to say that I am a Croat, says Branko Horvat.

    Source: Split weekly "Feral Tribune", May 22, 1995.


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