Ibrahim Mehmeti reported on 8 March 1998 from Skopje on reactions in Macedonia on the events in Kosovo for the AIM news service.

Now that it could even become a possibility, the "corridor for Kosovo refugees" which was the top domestic topic last month is not mentioned any more. Everyone would rather President Gligorov had never mentioned the idea.

A week after the beginning of the military operation in Kosovo, the UNHCR in Skopje has indicated that not a single refugee has been registered in Macedonia. The Macedonian Red Cross, UNHCR and other organizations are, however, preparing for the reception of refugees. There has been much talk about constructing a special improvised reception centre from which refugees would be forwarded to other countries, as well as a field hospital near the border with Kosovo. The Minister of Defence has stated that reception would be limited to women and children.

All this shows that whatever it may wish, Macedonia cannot avoid certain consequences of the Kosovo crisis. This has caused a certain shock in the Macedonian public. The situation is even more complicated due to the country's ethnic composition with the Albanian community making up a quarter of the population. The Albanians in Macedonia and Kosovo feel emotionally linked, while there is also some kind of connection between the ethnic Macedonians and the Serbs.

On 6 March the two largest political parties of Albanians in Macedonia organized a demonstration in Skopje. Tens of thousands of Albanians from all parts of the country participated. The rally addressed a memorandum to the international community, calling on it to pressure Milosevic to put a stop to his war operations, to instigate proceedings at the Hague tribunal against those who ordered the massacre of innocent people and to recognize the legitimate demands of Kosovo Albanians for independence. The main message was that all Albanians, wherever they lived, would jointly defend Kosovo. The day before, a rally had been held in the western Macedonian town of Tetovo, the Albanian political stronghold. Both rallies started to the music of the Albanian national anthem and only the official flag of the Republic of Albania was waved (also recognized in Macedonia as the flag of the Albanian minority).

The memorandum was also slipped through the letter box of the Yugoslav embassy in Skopje, because the ambassador refused to receive the delegation of Albanians. The Yugoslav embassy issued a statement insisting that the demonstration was an "interference in the internal affairs of Yugoslavia." It also stressed its good relations with Macedonia and expressed its hope that Skopje "would condemn separatism and terrorism in Kosovo and that it would prevent interference by its citizens in FRY's internal affairs." These rallies have revealed the irreconcilable stands of the Macedonian majority and Albanian minority, creating tensions within the ruling coalition since one of the most influential Albanian parties, the Party of Democratic Prosperity (PDP), has five out of the twenty ministers in the government. The main member of the ruling coalition, the Social Democratic Alliance of Macedonia (SDSM), disassociated itself from the protest of its coalition partner. Like almost all other ethnic Macedonian parties, it fears that open displays of solidarity by Macedonian Albanians might bring great misfortune. Some circles had demanded that the rallies should be declared illegal.

Ethnic Macedonian parties condemned the singing of a foreign country's anthem and the waving of its flag in the centre of Skopje, although the SDSM was somewhat more reserved in its criticism as it must bear in mind its delicate relations within the coalition. Some smaller right-wing parties denounced the rallies as "anti-Macedonian demonstrations." The Interior Ministry instituted court proceedings against three organizers of the rallies. It accused Nevzet Halili, leader of the Republican Party from Tetovo, Halit Hajdari from the PDP and Resat Nagavci from the DPA of disturbing public order, referring to the Albanian national anthem and flag, as well as a map of "Greater Albania." The leaders of the two main parties (PDP and DPA) were not officially declared as the organizers and therefore were not charged. Observers believe that they had expected the reaction of the authorities and had "sacrificed" colleagues. They wanted to avoid the embarrassing situation in which two of the most influential Albanian politicians in Macedonia were prosecuted, as this could have far-reaching consequences.

The only exception in this unanimous condemnation of the rallies came from the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights which, although opposed to mono-national rallies, criticized the ethnic Macedonian politicians and public for failing to condemn the brutal repression in Kosovo. This NGO and especially its president, the author Meto Jovanovski, have since been lectured on patriotism and some circles have demanded his resignation.

The Macedonian-language media, particularly those which call themselves "official," also condemned the rallies, describing them as "Support for the OVK and separatism in Kosovo." Independent media gave more space to stories about the operation of the Serbian police. The Albanian-language "Flaka e vlazerimit" was the only paper which protested against the harassment of Local journalists and foreign correspondents during the crackdown in Pristina.

It is unclear if this division on ethnic lines will have long-term internal political consequences, but it is certain that developments in Kosovo will have a great influence, especially at the beginning of an election year.

Although it is difficult to imagine that the crisis in Kosovo will spread to Macedonia, this cannot be completely excluded. A group of young members of the nationalist ethnic Macedonian party, VMRO, organized a "counter-rally" about ten metres away from the Albanians and there was a "close encounter" with fist fights but fortunately no more. They shouted that the Albanians "should all go to Pristina, Tirana, wherever they want..." The police, assisted by citizens of common sense, managed to pacify the incident which could have had serious consequences.

The greatest comfort in the whole affair is that the forces of the United Nations, UNPREDEP, are still present in the country. Their final mandate expires on 31 August, but in the current circumstances it is difficult to imagine that they will withdraw, especially as their mandate includes ensuring stability in the region as well as inter-ethnic relations within the country.

Source: "AIM" news service, March 8, 1998